A Historic Context for the Archaeology of

Industrial Labor in the State of Maryland


by Robert C. Chidester

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VIII. Western Maryland          

  Garrett, Allegany and Washington counties are grouped together to form the Western Maryland region in the Maryland Comprehensive Historic Preservation Plan.  At one time, both Garrett and Allegany counties were actually a part of Washington County, but for the purposes of this report their specific histories will be discussed separately.  Though varying widely in time of settlement, geography and types of industry, these three counties do share some general characteristics that bare comparison (and contrast).

            Western Maryland has one of the longest and most diverse industrial histories in Maryland, topped perhaps only by Baltimore City.  Grist milling, iron production and coal mining are the most historically prominent industries in this region, but quarrying, lime production, brick making, construction, and textile production are just a few of the many other industries that have contributed to the shaping of the region’s economic and social history.  Industry intersected with agriculture in the 18th century in Washington County, as gristmills and sawmills became local centers of social and commercial activity.  In the 19th century, in Allegany County especially, there were a number of communities that sprang up almost spontaneously for the sole purpose of providing labor for the coal, iron, railroad and canal industries.  These pre-fabricated “company towns” dominated the landscape of western Allegany County and eastern Garrett County, populated by an ethnically diverse mix of laborers drawn by the lure of capitalism and the hope of starting new lives.  Irish, Scotch, English and German heritage are especially prevalent in western Maryland today.

As natural resources were depleted during the period of Industrial/Urban Dominance (1870-1930), however, and the country hit the Great Depression of the 1930s, much of the industry in the region withered and finally died. Along with this came a certain amount of labor strife, especially during the late 19th century.  A few important cities, such as Frostburg and Cumberland in Allegany County and Hagerstown in Washington County, have weathered the storms and continued to be industrial and commercial centers through the Modern Period (1930-present).  For many of the company towns, however, the future was not so bright.  A large number survive today only as small crossroads communities of commuters, or as ghost towns.  Ironically, the coal industry is once again prominent in the region, but without the accompanying towns: mechanization and large-scale strip-mining have greatly reduced the need for human resources.


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Rural Agrarian Intensification, 1680-1815 


            Settlement of the Western Maryland region was considerably delayed from that of the rest of the state due to lack of adequate transportation routes through the wilderness.  It began in earnest toward the end of the 18th century, during which time the story of industry and labor resides almost exclusively in what is now Washington County.  In 1732 Lord Baltimore announced that the lands of Western Maryland, much of which belonged to him, would be officially open for settlement.[634]  At this time all of Western Maryland (today’s Garrett, Allegany, Washington, Frederick and parts of Carroll counties) was lumped together as Frederick County.  Before long Euro-American settlers flooded into what is know Washington County and the Cumberland Valley, dotting the landscape with farms, mills and the occasional iron furnace.  In addition to Anglo-Americans from the east, many of these settlers were German farmers who immigrated from Pennsylvania.  In 1776, Washington County (which at that time included today’s Garrett and Allegany counties) was officially separated from Frederick County.[635]

The predominant form of industry in Washington County during the 18th century was grist milling, often accompanied by saw milling.  These industries were almost always local operations run by farmers to service their immediate area.  As such, these businesses reflected more closely pre-capitalist social and economic relations than they did capitalist industrial ones.  They were also intimately related to agricultural pursuits, especially the cultivation of wheat and other grain crops.  By the end of the Revolutionary War, much of the agricultural land in the eastern part of the state had been depleted of nutrients by tobacco farming.  As a result, many farmers and large agriculturalists were persuaded to switch to wheat, a crop that has much less of a deleterious effect on the land.

The lack of major transportation hubs in this region prior to the 19th century meant that it was difficult for most farmers to find places to have their wheat ground into flour and meal.  As a result, gristmills popped up on virtually every stream in Washington County that provided enough waterpower to run a mill.[636]  These mills often became the nucleus of areas of denser population, as stores, churches and other such community buildings were erected to serve the surrounding farming population, which already converged on the mill to do agricultural business.  Often the farmers who ran the mills would do the milling themselves in return for a portion of the output, but it was also not uncommon for these small mills to boast of one or several employees, indentured servants or slaves.  While the earliest mills were run on a custom basis, around the middle of the 18th century a second type of operation began to emerge: the merchant mill.  These mills were market-oriented rather than being operated for local farmers; they often shipped their products east to Baltimore.[637]  Eighteenth- and early 19th-century merchant milling eventually became the basis for much of the industry in eastern Washington County during the period of Agricultural-Industrial Transition (1815-1870).

Another industry associated with agriculture and originally run by farmers for the local area was whiskey distilling.  While not as numerous as grist and saw mills, there are still some distillery remains in Washington County.[638]  As with grist and saw mills, these operations were often small, servicing local markets, and do not really fit this report’s working definition of industry.  Similarly, a tannery operation and a lumberyard first appeared in Washington County during this period.[639]

In the western part of Washington County, focused in the area of the Antietam Drainage, a completely different industry developed during the period of Rural Agricultural Intensification: the iron industry.  The most famous of these businesses were the Mt. Aetna Iron Furnace and the Antietam Forge and Mill, both near the Potomac River near Virginia.  Another was the Greenspring Furnace.  The rise of the iron industry in Washington County is largely attributable to the Hughes family, which erected at least four forges in Washington County, Maryland and neighboring Franklin County, Pennsylvania.  These forges and furnaces were run largely with slave and indentured labor, and played an important role in the Revolutionary War as manufacturers of canon for the Continental Army.  While true capitalism had not yet emerged in North America, these businesses foreshadowed the future path of industry in the United States (and Western Maryland) by erecting dwellings for their laborers, constituting early versions of the company town (though usually without other amenities associated with towns, such as churches, stores, and schools).[640]  Associated industries were charcoal burning and coke production.[641]


Figure 33.  Domestic structure in the Antietam Village Historic District (WA-II-031, WA-II-032, WA-II-033), Washington County (Courtesy of the Maryland Historical Trust)

Two early centers of industry in Washington County became large enough to warrant distinction as villages.  Antietam Village, built around the Antietam Furnace and Forge, was established sometime during the second half of the 18th century.  Iron production began in 1763, powered mostly by slave labor.  Production continued here through the first half of the 19th century.[642]  Funkstown was built around an iron furnace, a brickyard, a powder factory, and grist and woolen mills during the late 18th century.  No community structures still exist from this period, however.[643]

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Agricultural-Industrial Transition, 1815-1870


     Mills continued to be important during the Agricultural-Industrial Transition period in Washington County.  During this period, however, merchant milling became ever more dominant.  Custom mills were largely out of fashion by the middle of the 19th century, although a few continued to operate until the early 20th century.  Along with this change, the products of milling began to diversify.  Milling products in Washington County during this period included paper, linseed oil, gunpowder, cotton, wool, bark and iron.  Saw and grist mills came to be accompanied by carding and fulling mills, while small textile mills had developed in the late 18th century.  All of these operations were market-oriented.[644]

As agriculture intensified in Washington County, the production of lime became an important pursuit.[645]  Nineteenth-century lime kiln ruins dot the landscape of Washington County.  Like the 18th-century mills, however, many of these operations were only local and seasonally operated.  Other industries that appear in the records of Washington County, if briefly, during this period are brick production, carpet manufacturing, tanning and rifle production.[646]  Antietam Forge continued to operate until the 1840s, and the village remained after the business had left.[647]

As communities formed and grew larger, certain features that had been largely absent during the Rural Agrarian Intensification period appeared.  Since milling was increasingly becoming a specialized profession, even for custom millers, 19th century mills often have accompanying mill houses.  It was not uncommon for merchants to set up stores in the immediate vicinity of mills, where they could be sure that many of the local farmers would gather on occasion.   From this rudimentary community grew schools and many churches.  While Methodism was the most common denomination in Washington County, Lutheran, Reformed, and Brethren churches (all associated with people of German ancestry) and Dunker churches were also popular.[648]  Some of the communities centered around industry that became large enough to be called villages or even towns were Williamsport, Keedysville, Rohrersville, and Smithsburg.[649]

One form of industrial labor in Washington County that is largely absent from the Maryland Historical Trust files for this period is construction.  Beginning in the 1830s, both the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad began crawling westward, the former from Georgetown and the latter from Baltimore.  They quickly reached Washington County.  The sheer scale of these construction projects, designed to facilitate trade and travel from the east coast to the Ohio River Valley, demanded a large, mobile work force.  Many of the workers were Irish, Italian and German immigrants who lived in a series of temporary work camps all along the paths of the constructed routes. [650]

Construction workers on the C&O Canal often clashed along ethnic lines, as well as with their employers.  In early 1834 a pitched battle took place near Williamsport between two rival Irish factions, the Corkonians and the Longfords.  It was not unusual for the National Guard or local militia to be called out to quell worker uprisings, as happened near Hancock in 1838.  Many of these uprisings were caused by the Irish for a number of reasons, including the increasing number of jobs going to German immigrants and refusals by the company to pay its laborers.  After many construction stoppages during the 1840s due to a lack of funds, the canal was finally completed to Cumberland in 1850.  Even during this year, however, more work stoppages and threats of violence were occasioned by a failure to pay the workers.[651]

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            Allegany County took a much different route than Washington County during the years from 1815 to 1870.  The mountainous terrain of the county prevented extensive agriculture.  Nevertheless, grist milling was a minor industry, especially in the portion of the county east of Cumberland.  What Allegany County lacked in arable land, however, it made up for with three other abundant natural resources: coal, iron and clay.

            The most important industry in Allegany County for much of the 19th century was coal mining.  Both the coal and iron industries were made possible by the opening of access to major markets by the C&O Canal and the numerous railroads, large and small.  No fewer than ten coal companies operated in the George’s Creek Coal Valley during the period of Agricultural-Industrial  Transition, and undoubtedly many smaller companies operated for brief periods of time.  Many of these companies mined the deep coal veins that ran throughout the valley, as well as the plentiful deposits of iron ore.  Some of the more successful companies were the George’s Creek Coal and Iron Company, the Franklin Coal Company, the New York Iron and Coal Company, the Midland Coal and Iron Company, the Parker Vein Coal Company, the Union Mining Company and the New Central Mining Company.[652]

            Many of these companies laid out new towns and built housing to attract a growing work force.  Usually the company controlled most, if not all, aspects of its workers’ lives, especially their homes.  These towns were very similar to the company towns of the Pennsylvania anthracite region and the northern textile mill towns.[653]  Other towns followed a different pattern.  The village of Vale Summit, for example, was laid out and built by the miners themselves, rather than the company.[654]  Midland’s growth was helped along by private development,[655] while houses in Barton were made available to the general public, not just company employees.[656]  Nevertheless, all of these towns shared a common characteristic: domination by a company.  It was not uncommon for the only store in a town to be run by the company, or for churches to be built using company funds.  Around 15 company towns were established in the George’s Creek Coal Valley in the mid-19th century, the most prominent of which were Frostburg, Westernport, Midland, Lonaconing (actually a mill and iron town), Mt. Savage, and Eckhart.[657]  Although not in the George’s Creek Valley, Cumberland also grew from the coal industry, supported by its advantageous positioning at the western terminus of the C&O Canal.[658]

            The iron industry in Allegany County was centered in Mt. Savage, Lonaconing, and Frostburg, while the fire-brick industry was located primarily in the Mt. Savage area and Frostburg.[659]  An iron furnace was built in Lonaconing in 1837 and operated until the 1850s; Frostburg’s iron foundry was put into operation in 1867 and prospered until the early 20th century.[660]  Mt. Savage was founded in the 1830s as an iron furnace and rolling mill community, but quickly came to mine coal and produce fire-brick as well.[661]  The area that would become Midlothian was the site of a bowery furnace for the Cumberland Coal and Iron Company.[662]  Another industry that prospered in Cumberland during the 19th century was glass production.[663]

            Many of the miners, mill workers and other laborers in Allegany County during this period were immigrants.  Unlike Washington County, which was populated by second-generation German clans moving south from Pennsylvania, Allegany County was populated by first-generation immigrants.  Many of these laborers came from the British Isles, especially Wales and Ireland.  Before the Civil War, other laborers were African-American slaves.  In many of the smaller villages, miners would migrate from one job to another on a seasonal basis.

While organized labor had not yet come to the region, a few clashes between labor and management did take place.  Strikes over the issue of wages occurred on a regular basis from the 1840s through the 1860s, beginning with a strike in Eckhart in 1846.  While the end of the Civil War brought prosperity to the mines once again, companies still did not see fit to share their bounty with employees.  Nevertheless, the region’s mining population had doubled between 1860 and 1870.[664]




Figure 34. Postcard depicting the company town of Eckhart (AL-V-A-249), Allegany County.  Courtesy of the Maryland Historical Trust.

Figure 35. A miner's saltbox house in Eckhart (AL-V-A-249), Allegany County. (Courtesy of the Maryland Historical Trust)

In the late 1840s and early 1850s both the C&O Canal and the B&O Railroad reached Cumberland.  A strike by railroad construction workers in 1850 resulted in a wage increase.  Irish factions continued to threaten other immigrant laborers and even took control of a section of the tracks at one point.  They prevented the hiring of any new workers, even Irish ones, but eventually the railroad company succeeded in separating the new workers and the old sufficiently to stop any violence.[665]

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            The last of the counties to be formed in Western Maryland, Garrett County (carved out of Allegany County in 1872) was also the most remote. [666]  During the Agricultural-Industrial Transition period settlements were few and far between, but what industry existed was more diverse than in Allegany County.  Despite a similarly rough terrain, farming was one of the major occupations in Garrett County.  Consequently, grist milling was a major industry.  Other industries included iron production, lumbering, coal mining, textiles and railroad construction.

            While a few custom mills had appeared in the area now comprising Garrett County during the late 18th century,[667] milling didn’t take off until the 1800s.  Swanton, Grantsville, Selbysport, Kitzmiller, Oakland, Bloomington and Steyer all supported early grist or saw mills.[668]  None of these seem to have grown very large, and the emergence of merchant milling never occurred in Garrett County as it had in Washington County.  A woolen factory was built on Mill Run in the early 19th century.[669]  The village of Wilson was founded in 1860 by a barrel stave manufacturer.[670]  Early lumbering was mostly confined to the Bloomington area, but would expand in later periods.[671]  Tanning came to be an important early industry, especially in Accident, where the first tannery had been established in 1800.  Selbysport and Gorman also had tanneries.[672]  Two small communities, Altamont and Deer Park, formed around the construction of the B&O Railroad through the region in the mid-19th century.[673]

Figure 36. Engle Mill Store (G-II-B-146), Accident, Garrett County. (Courtesy of the Maryland Historical Trust)

            An iron furnace was operated on Bear Creek from 1828 to 1839 to produce pig iron.  This was the first organized industry in the county, and led to the development of Friendsville. The Allegany (later Youghiogheny) Iron Company employed over 100 men, which it housed.  After this company failed, development of the area included a number of flour and grist mills.[674]  Bloomington was officially founded when the B&O Railroad announced plans to go through the area; its developers mined coal and harvested timber.[675]  Crellin was another small mining community that developed during this period.[676]


Figure 37. Mills known to have existed in Garrett County during the 1860s. Source: Lacoste and Wall 1989: Figure 8. (Courtesy of the Maryland Geological Survey)

Unlike Allegany County, there were no true company towns in Garrett County during this period.  Most of the industrial labor force was culled on a seasonal basis from the large agricultural population.  Around Kitzmiller these would have been Scotch-Irish immigrants, while in the areas around Accident, Grantsville, New Germany and Gortner the population was primarily of German descent.[677]

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Industrial/Urban Dominance, 1870-1930


            The story of labor and industry in Washington County during the period of Industrial/Urban Dominance is largely the story of the Hagerstown and Williamsport areas.  Hagerstown had been the county seat for some decades, but did not become a manufacturing center until the late 19th century.  Williamsport, which had grown with the arrival of the C&O Canal and the B&O Railroad, continued to be a seat of industry.  During this period Williamsport had a tannery and was home to the Cushwa Brick Company.  Cushwa also dealt a little in coal.  Williamsport also boasted LeFevre’s Broom Factory.[678]

            Manufacturing in Hagerstown took off during the 1890s.  Between 1890 and 1895 a silk ribbon, glove and hosiery factories were established.  The silk factory averaged 200 employees by 1911.[679]  Another large business was the Moller Organ Works.  By the early 20th century Moller was the largest pipe organ manufacturer in the world and one of the largest employers in Hagerstown, giving work to between 200 and 300 laborers.[680]  Other companies included the Foltz Manufacturing and Supply Company, the Brandt Cabinet Works, the National Biscuit Company Warehouse, the New York Central Iron Works, the Jamison Cold Storage Door Company, the Antietam Paper Company, the Pangborn Corporation (the world’s largest producer of sand blast cleaning and dust control equipment), and the Fairchild Engine and Airplane Corporation.[681]

            Maugansville’s growth was spurred by Hagerstown’s industrialization.  Many of the town’s citizens commuted to Hagerstown to industrial jobs.  Between 1870 and 1900 the garment industry employed more than 4,000 women.  Maugansville had its own small shirt factory that employed about 15 women, and a foundry that employed seven or eight men to make farm equipment operated from 1900 to around 1930.[682]

            Limestone quarrying became an important industry in the county towards the end of the 19th century.  A quarry had been opened near Cavetown during the preceding period, but large-scale quarrying and lime burning did not begin until the 1880s.  A tannery was also associated with this operation.[683]  As during the period of Agricultural-Industrial Transition, lime kilns dotted the countryside to provide lime to farmers.[684]  A similar enterprise was the Blackford Cement Company, which operated near Sharpsburg during the last two decades of the 19th century.[685]  As always, milling continued to be a necessary adjunct to farming.  During this period over 30 mills were active in Washington County.  Most of these were merchant mills, but did not employ more than a handful of people.  Another minor industry was the carriage factory operated near Clear Spring during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[686]  Green Spring Furnace ceased operation in 1873.[687]

            Not much is known of labor during this period of Washington County’s history.  It appears that many of the factory workers in Hagerstown were “natives” whose families had been in the country for several generations.  Many of them were probably drawn from the agricultural population.  Much information awaits to be discovered in this area.  As with the previous period, little is known about railroad workers in Washington County from 1870 to 1930.                       

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            Allegany County continued to develop as a center of the coal mining industry during the period of Industrial/Urban Dominance, coming to rival the Pennsylvania anthracite coal fields in importance.  The number of coal companies multiplied, as did the number of company towns.  Some of the new towns in the George’s Creek Valley were Klondike, Carlos, Woodland, Midlothian, Roweville, Slabtown, Moscow, Pekin (later changed to Nikep), Ocean, Brophytown and Hoffman Hollow.[688]  The valley became so densely packed with towns that it was described as “one continuous street and town.”[689]  It was during this period also that labor unrest reached a fevered pitch, culminating in the great strikes of 1882.

            The Consolidation Coal Company came to prominence in the 1870s and eventually became the largest company in the region and a powerful social and economic force.  Consolidation owned mines in Eckhart, Frostburg, Hoffman Hollow, Klondike, Woodland, and Loarville.  While the Consolidation mines and other operations were run by companies in other regions and even other states, a few were run locally.[690]  The Shaws were local entrepreneurs who founded the towns of Pekin, Barton and Moscow.[691]

            The decline of the iron industry led to several new ventures in some towns.  In Mt. Savage iron gave way to coal and fire-brick.[692]  The Empire Fire Brick Company opened a manufactory on Wills Creek in 1875.[693]  In Lonaconing, the Klots Throwing Company opened a silk mill that provided employment to many miners’ wives and a glass factory operated from 1912 to 1916.[694]

            Cumberland continued to host a thriving glass industry during this period.  While the companies changed names, they remained important.  By 1920 over 1,000 people in Cumberland worked in the glass industry.[695]  During this decade the city also received an economic boost from the relocation of the Kelly-Springfield Tire Company from Akron, Ohio.  In addition to a new factory, Kelly Springfield also built housing for its employees and a hotel.[696]  The Taylor Tin Mill was also opened during this period.[697]  Frostburg reached its industrial zenith between 1880 and 1920.  Businesses in Frostburg included the Savage Mountain Firebrick Works, an iron foundry, lumber companies, a mill, a brewery and a sash factory.[698]

            The paper industry arrived in Allegany County during this period.  In 1890 the Potomac Paper Company built a paper mill in Cumberland, employing over 100 men.  Later sold to the Cumberland Paper Company, the operation went out of business in 1903.[699]  The other center of the paper industry in the county was Luke, originally known as West Piedmont.  This town was laid out around a saw mill between 1872 and 1881.  In 1882 the Piedmont Pulp and Paper Company, later the Westvaco Paper Company, was chartered by the Luke family.  In 1894 this company employed 200 men in the pulp mill and 75 in the paper factory.  Over the next two decades the company came to employ over 1,000 people.  Later Westvaco expanded its operations to South Westernport.[700]

            The rise of industry during this period was paralleled by the rise of unionism.  Four strikes occurred during the 1870s.  One of these occurred at the New Central Mining Company’s mines in Midlothian in 1873.  The miners, who were paid by the amount of coal which they produced, thought they were being cheated by the scales used to weigh the coal.  Using the Frostburg Mining Journal to advertise their complaints, the striking miners won the battle.  Soon thereafter they formed “The Miners and Laborers Protective and Benevolent Association of Allegany County, Maryland.”[701]

            The Railroad Strike of 1877 most affected Cumberland.  After a series of rate wars, the major railroads in the region decided to each cut their employees’ wages by 10 percent in order to avoid bankruptcy.  Mass demonstrations were accompanied by brief violence in Cumberland, and the strike was eventually put down by the militia.[702]

The Knights of Labor were particularly influential among laborers in Allegany County, leading a strike in 1882 that began at the Eckhart Mines and spread throughout the George’s Creek Valley from March to August.  This strike grew out of discontent with working conditions, including wages and the length of work days.  The miners in the region were supported by several publications, most notably the Frostburg Mining Journal.  Consolidation hired German, Austrian, Polish, Hungarian and Swedish immigrants as scabs and even constructed a temporary encampment, Camp Mayer, for them.  This camp was protected by a special police force.  Other companies began forcing striking workers to evacuate company-built housing by July.  Before long the pressure of unemployment, the prospect of permanent loss of jobs and companies’ unwillingness to budge on any matter broke the strike.  Organized labor in Allegany County was permanently injured by this loss.  Five more strikes occurred from 1886 to 1923, but none were as large or important as the Strike of 1882.[703]


Figure 38. Late-19th-century coal company towns along the Potomac River in Western Maryland.  Source: Lacoste and Wall 1989: Figure 9. Courtesy of the Maryland Geological Survey.

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            During the years between 1870 and 1930 the extension of the B&O Railroad caused a new development in Garrett County—the tourism business.  Its isolation, lack of over-settlement and pristine wilderness made the county a popular destination for many East Coast Marylanders hoping to escape the fast life, if just for a little while.  Oakland and Deer Park were the major centers for this activity.[704]  Nevertheless, industry continued to expand during this time.

            The importance of lumbering grew exponentially during the period of Industrial/Urban Dominance.  Swanton, which had remained a small community centered around a gristmill since the 1790s, developed rapidly; most of its inhabitants worked for the Meadow Mountain Lumber Company or the B&O Railroad.[705]  Kitzmiller also developed a thriving lumber industry, although its residents also worked in a woolen mill and a shirt factory, as well as in coal mining.[706]  Lumbering exploded in Bloomington in the 1870s to such an extent that the local supply of trees had been exhausted by 1886.[707]  The village of Wilson also became home to a lumbering operation which included a shingle mill; the company went out of business in 1915.[708]

Gorman and Steyer also developed during the last two decades of the 19th century around lumber and coal.[709]  These two towns were some of the few company towns to appear in Garrett County.  In addition to these towns and Kitzmiller, Shallmar was one of the major coal towns in the county.  Founded by the Wolf Den Mining Company in the second decade of the 20th century, Shallmar was the town in Garrett County which most resembled the company towns of the George’s Creek Valley.  In 1923 the company employed 130 laborers.  Their housing was constructed on a typical corporate paternalistic plan, and unionism was actively discouraged by the company.[710]  The demographics of the labor force did not change radically during this period.  While many of the laborers still came from a local agricultural background, their seasonal nature diminished.  Unionism never developed strong roots in Garrett County.

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Modern Period, 1930-Present


Industry petered out in Washington County during the Modern period.  The quarrying activities near Cavetown ended in 1944, but a planing mill was opened there in 1938.[711]  A few mills continued to operate, but larger industrial centers in the Midwest provided overwhelming competition.[712]  In Maugansville Fairchild Industries began manufacturing aircraft after World War II, and a lumberyard and planing mill operated from the 1940s through the 1980s.[713]  The Civilian Conservation Corps reconstructed Fort Frederick in Fort Frederick State Park during the Great Depression, and some of their encampment still remains.[714]  Once again, not much is known about labor during this period of the county’s history.



            Industry in Allegany County has declined greatly during the Modern period.  The Great Depression killed the glass industry in Cumberland, but Kelly Springfield survived and is still operating there.[715]  The paper mill in Luke also survived.[716]  The Klots Throwing Company in Lonaconing was bought out by General Textile Mills and closed in 1946.[717]  More importantly, though, as deep vein coal deposits became fewer and fewer, the coal companies slowly moved out of the region.[718]

            Despite the lingering effects of the blow to organized labor dealt during the Strike of 1882, labor unrest continued into the Modern period.  The United Mine Workers of America had become the dominant union force in the region.  Miners had obtained seven-hour days, five-day weeks, and an end to mine work for those under the age of 17, among other things, by 1934.  Nevertheless, miners supported larger UMWA strikes in 1939, 1943, 1946 and 1948.[719]

            As the companies left the George’s Creek Valley, the people left behind saw major changes.  Many of the former bustling company towns died out and became ghost towns, or dwindled to a handful of residents.  Many formerly company-owned properties became the possessions of former workers.  For instance, in Brophytown all of the company houses built by the Phoenix and George’s Creek Coal Company in 1918 were sold to their inhabitants in the 1950s.[720]  Strip mining techniques have allowed a resurgence of the coal industry in Allegany County in the past few decades, but the new technology requires far fewer laborers.  Sixty-four mining companies were operating in the region in 1966, but fewer than a dozen employed over 10 people.[721]  Thus, the laboring population of the area is continuing to dwindle and the labor and industrial heritage of the county is slowly fading into the past.

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            Industry in Garrett County has diversified during the Modern Period.  While the Great Depression sent some companies out of business, the coal industry prospered during both World Wars before petering out in the 1950s and 1960s.  In 1942 almost 1,000 people were employed as miners in Garrett County, but by 1960 fewer than 200 people were so employed.  The energy crisis of the 1970s, however, brought strip mining to the area.[722]  The company town of Shallmar suffered a slow decline from the 1930s through the 1960s.[723]

The natural gas industry came to Garrett County in the 1950s, with many wells being drilled in the Mountain Lake Park area.  Although most of the supply of natural gas was exhausted by 1960, the Texas Eastern Transmission Corporation began using a gas field near Accident as an underground storage facility for natural gas in 1962.  By 1978 the Accident storage facility was the second-largest in the world.[724]

Other minor construction and manufacturing industries also located in Garrett County during the Modern Period.  The Civilian Conservation Corps was involved in the construction of camping cabins in New Germany State Park during the 1930s.[725]  A brick manufacturing plant was built near Jennings in 1944.  The Flushing Shirt Manufacturing Company began producing uniform shirts in Grantsville in 1953, and in 1969 the Garrett Manufacturing Company of Deer Park began making women’s blouses.  Accident became the home to the Greater Maryland Tool and Manufacturing Corporation, which made machine parts, in 1967, and American HV Test Systems built a plant for the production of high-voltage test equipment there in 1975.  Bausch and Lomb, Inc. began producing glass lenses near Mountain Lake Park in 1971, and the Sterling Processing Corporation began processing and freezing poultry in Oakland around the same time.  The Gordon Douglass Boat Company, which manufactures sailing boats, started up in Oakland in 1958 but later moved to Deer Park.[726]  Despite this industrialization, by the end of the 1960s the towns and villages of Garrett County were mostly small, residential communities.[727]

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Labor Archaeology in Western Maryland


            While there are a large number of industrial and/or labor archaeological sites recorded in Washington County, most of them are mills.  Of 48 separate archaeological sites,[728] 32, or two-thirds, are mills or mill ruins of some description.  Another 13 sites are industrial archaeological sites.  These include charcoal hearths, iron ore pits, a cokeyard, a limeshed, a lime kiln, a tannery, a brick kiln, and a 20th-century power station in Williamsport.  The Antietam Forge and Ironworks and the Antietam Furnace complex are recorded as two different sites, and the Mt. Aetna and Green Spring furnaces have been recorded as archaeological properties.

            Only three sites specifically related to labor (Booth’s Cemetery, a school house near Gapland, and a Civilian Conservation Corps camp in Ft. Frederick State Park) are recorded in Washington County.  The Booth Cemetery is actually a private plot for the family that owned and ran Delemere Mill, and thus likely can yield little, if any, information on industrial labor.

            Many of the mill sites were identified during a survey completed by Susan Winter Frye for her master’s thesis.[729]   The National Park Service conducted some exploratory archaeology in Williamsport on three industrial sites in the late 1970s—sites 18WA478, 18WA480, and 18WA481.  Site 18WA50, the brick kiln area, was tested by Thunderbird Research Corporation (TRC) around the same time.  TRC also visited the schoolhouse site (18WA63), but didn’t perform any excavations.  Some test pits were dug in the area of the CCC camp (18WA298) and 173 historic artifacts were recovered.  However, a final report was apparently never completed.  With the exception of the Antietam Furnace complex (18WA288), the rest of the sites were discovered during routine cultural resource surveys and not investigated further.  While it has been demonstrated that industrial sites can yield important insights into workplace behavior and working conditions, the nature and limited extent of the above excavations permit no conclusions to be drawn on topics relevant to labor.

            Extensive excavations were carried out at the Mt. Aetna/Antietam Furnace complex during 1982 and 1983 by the Maryland Historical Trust.  Unfortunately, these excavations were standard industrial archaeology and did not investigate any questions related to labor.  The research goals were limited to identification of the extent of the site and determination of the specific functions of intrasite features.  The excavations were thus contained to the furnace stack and wheelpit areas.  A number of domestic and personal artifacts from the mid-18th through the early 20th centuries were recovered from the excavations, including ceramics, bottle, table and chimney glass, buttons, a cuff-link, shoe buckles, pipe fragments, knives and razors, and faunal remains.  Unfortunately, the report merely describes these artifacts and contains no discussion of their significance or possible reasons why such artifacts would be found in such abundance in work areas, rather than domestic areas.[730]  Re-analysis of these artifacts, especially the ceramics, glass, and faunal remains, might prove fruitful for an investigation into the lives of the furnace workers.

Figure 39. Excavated wheel pit at the Antietam Furnace complex (18WA288), Washington County.  18WA288 Slide #37. (Courtesy of the Maryland Historical Trust)

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            Portions of Allegany and Garrett counties were the focus of an extensive cultural resources survey undertaken by the Maryland Historical Trust on behalf of the Maryland Bureau of Mines from 1980 to 1983.[731]  Titled the Coal Region Historic Sites Survey, this project included focused on standing structures assessment.  The survey produced an enormous amount of information that took years to process.  A separate archaeological project, the Western Maryland Coal Region Archaeological Project (WMDCRAP), located a similarly large number of historic archaeological sites related to industry or labor.

            Twenty-six industrial and labor archaeology sites have been recorded in Allegany County, many by the WMDCRAP.  The earliest sites only date to the period of Agricultural-Industrial Transition.  Thirteen of the sites only contain industrial components.  These sites include two different saw and/or grist mill ruins, the Lonaconing Furnace, two mine openings or pumping shafts, a glassworks, a brick refractory, a lime kiln, a quarry, a boatyard, a tannery, a railroad loading bed, and a tin mill.

The Taylor Tin Mill site (18AG213) has been the focus of Phase III research, but due to possibly toxic conditions none of it involved subsurface archaeological investigation.  While this site is an industrial archaeological site, the research that has been done on this property provides a good example of how labor can (and should) be incorporated into industrial archaeology.

The mill was active from 1873 to 1938, during which time it underwent a number of technological and managerial changes.  The mill attempted tried its hand at various products, but found its niche in tin-plating.  At its height in the 1920s, the plant employed almost 1,000 people.  Many of the mill’s laborers, like others in Cumberland, lived in the neighborhoods of South Cumberland and Egypt.  The N. & G. Taylor Company, the mill’s most famous owner, built housing for its employees during the 20th century.  The mill’s owners staunchly fought against unionization, but by the 1930s the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) had made inroads into the Cumberland labor community.  The mill’s workers struck in 1937, but instead of giving in or trying to break the strike, the mill’s owners closed the plant down for good.

The official statement of significance[732] for the Taylor Tin Mill site, written in 1995, delineates the site’s research potential.  The statement suggests that the corporate history of the tin mill can provide insight into the politics of industrial monopolies as well attempts to unionize and resistance against such organization.  The statement also posits that the effects of technological change can be studied through changes in the physical plant over time, adaptation to local industrial idiosyncrasies, changes in the uses of workers and workers’ responses to these changes.  Finally, the statement of significance suggests that non-industrial features of the site, such as privies, might be useful in distinguishing and comparing health and behavioral patterns between workers and management.

The Phase III investigation of the Taylor Tin Mill site did not answer these questions, but only because detailed archaeological investigations were deemed too dangerous at such a site.  However, the report of these investigations does include sections on company housing and the economic and social context of the mill and its laborers.  The information contained on the mill’s work force is exemplary.  This report[733] provides a very useful model of how industrial and labor archaeology can be fruitfully combined.

            The labor sites include seven domestic sites associated with miners and a family of soap-makers.  The other labor sites include the Cromwell Cemetery, site 18AG64 (possibly just a family cemetery, but associated with the mill on the Cromwell Estate), a Lutheran Church in the vicinity of Cumberland, and the town of Lonaconing, The Cromwell Cemetery (18AG64) and Old Row in Mt. Savage (miners’ residences; site 18AG123) have not been subject to any form of excavation, while the Lutheran Church (18AG141), the Blank Road Trash Midden (related to a miner’s residence; site 18AG86) and Field #7 (a miner’s domestic residence; site 18AG78) have only undergone Phase I testing.

The Hope Road Miner’s Site (18AG147), the Klondike Miners site (18AG145), and Murphy’s Hall (18AG137) are all miners’ residences.  The Klondike Miners site and the Hope Road Miner’s Site were both identified by the WMDCRAP.  The Klondike Miners site, located in the town of Klondike, was only mapped; it consists of a 5-meter-square stone foundation for a residence.  The site is undisturbed and apparently representative of late 19th-century miners’ dwellings.  As such, it was determined to be moderately significant.  The Hope Road Miners site, located between Frostburg and Zihlman, was mapped and surface collected.  Recent disturbance from surface mining lead the investigators to recommend no further investigation.[734]  The site of Murphy’s Hall in Lonaconing was identified during a Phase I survey in the early 1980s.  The site, former mining company housing near Lonaconing which consists of a buried foundation, a cellar, and a midden scatter, was tested.  Despite apparent potential to yield significant deposits, the site was found to have little integrity and thus low information potential.[735]

The goals of the WMDCRAP, undertaken from 1980 to 1982, were to locate historic archaeological sites in a region previously unsurveyed, as well as to develop a predictive model to identify potential sites in areas that were unable to be surveyed.  A preliminary site typology was developed that included military, early settlement, coal industry, lumber industry, iron industry, other industry, and 19th-century occupation sites.  The initial phase of the project involved site location and mapping.  Then “typical” sites from each site category were chosen for controlled sub-surface sampling.  During the final field season four sites were chosen for intensive excavation, including two domestic sites, a school, and a tavern.  The domestic sites and the school were in Allegany County, while the tavern was in Garrett County.  One of the domestic sites in Allegany County was a farmstead, and the school site has no demonstrated link to industrial labor communities.[736]

Excavation of site 18AG88, Field #340 (a miner’s residence), consisted of shovel test pits, three trenches and three trench extension units.  Artifacts recovered included a large amount of ceramics and pipe stems, as well as glass and metal artifacts.  The ceramics date the site to the second and third quarters of the 19th century.[737]  No further analysis was undertaken. Although part of this site has been disturbed by later mining activities, the deposits were sufficiently intact to allow for some further interpretation.

Three sites which received only limited testing were judged to have good potential for yielding further information.  The identification of the Blank Road Trash Midden is uncertain.  It could have come from a blacksmith shop, a miner’s residence, or even the house of the mine agent.  Artifacts recovered included an abundance of ceramics, a few pipe stems and other personal items, and bottle glass.  The original investigators suggested that further investigation in the vicinity would be necessary to identify the site, and that the area had “great potential for future archeological research.”  The Old Row site in Mt. Savage (18AG123) consists of five standing houses and the foundations of 17 more that were constructed in the 1830s by the New York Iron and Coal Company for employees.  One of these row houses was restored and is open to the public as a museum.  Further testing was recommended in this area.  Finally, site 18AG78 (Field #7), which consists of a cellar hole probably associated with a miner’s residence near the Union Mine No. 1, yielded ceramics, glass, and a pipe stem.  While only test pits were excavated, it appears that a stratified deposit is present and thus the site is potentially “highly significant.”[738]

The Mechanic Street Site was the subject of Phase I, II and III excavation by John Milner Associates in the early 1990s as part of the Station Square Project in Cumberland.[739]  The Mechanic Street area was a white-collar and working-class residential neighborhood from around 1860 to 1880, when Cumberland was at the height of its industrial importance.  Phase II excavations were designed with an eye towards providing insight into domestic life in a small industrial city in Maryland, a topic that had been virtually untouched before.  Particularly, the investigators were interested in comparing the lifestyles of early 19th century skilled artisans with those of later 19th century laborers, investigating the effects of urbanization on different classes, and exploring issues of ethnicity and traditional values among the working class.

The findings of both the Phase II and Phase III excavations were included in one report.[740]  As the authors of the report state, this project provided an opportunity to study the effects of the Industrial Revolution on people’s everyday lives, as well as in a place far removed from the major urban centers of the East Coast and the Midwest.  The archaeology covered four house lots occupied by both owners and tenants, and four households within the same family were traced over three time periods (from the early 19th century into the 20th century).  The excavations revealed extensive yard deposits, building foundations, a privy and other features.  These deposits were created mainly by the Russel family, carriage makers who had achieved middle-class standing.

The archaeologists investigated a range of issues, including the character of 19th century material culture in an industrialized city, consumer behavior, and public health.  The investigators also attempted a comparative regional study on the effect of transportation networks on material culture and compared consumption patterns from this Cumberland site with patterns from similar households in Harper’s Ferry, West Virginia.  Finally, the authors admitted that not enough comparative data was available yet, but that at some future date the information from this site may help to illuminate the significance of political divisions versus geographical divisions.

The archaeologists used common methods to approach the Mechanic Street site.  Artifacts were sorted into classes devised by Stanley South for pattern recognition, such as kitchen, architecture, clothing, personal, and activity items.  Pattern analysis has been criticized for emphasizing the definition of patterns rather than investigation of human behavior, but the authors point out that South himself meant artifact grouping to be an interim step on the way to investigating the links between the processes of human behavior and the patterns they produced.[741]  The investigators of the Mechanic Street site also took privy samples to explore parasite occurrence and conducted detailed floral and faunal analyses.

Figure 40. Polychrome hand-painted pearlware sherds recovered from the Mechanic Street site (18AG206), Cumberland, Allegany County. Source: Cheek et al. 1994: Plate 12. (Courtesy of the Maryland State Highway Administration)

The results of this research suggested that the Russell family, economically a middle-class family, did not embrace the middle-class capitalist values dominant during the 19th century.  The Russels exhibited some conservative behavioral characteristics.  For instance, they boarded their employees in their own home until the 1870s.  Ceramic Index values showed that both the Russels and their employees refrained from purchasing the most popular ceramics, preferring older hand-painted ceramics instead.  However, the Russels owned a greater variety of ceramics, indicating that they had more disposable income than their employees.  Also, the working-class occupations yielded more smoking paraphernalia, an activity more closely associated with the lower classes.

Floral and faunal analyses were largely in agreement with the ceramic analysis.  The Russel privies evidenced a greater variety of floral deposits, but the similarities in the floral and faunal deposits indicate that the same foods were popular among both the Russels and their workers.  One of the most interesting discoveries was the variability of the Russel assemblages based on household composition.  Clothing and personal items had a higher comparative percentage in the single household that was headed by a woman.  However, not much time was spent on the possible significance of this discovery.

The archaeologists concluded that the social position inhabited by the Russels (that of middle-class skilled artisans/entrepreneurs) was not marked by social display.  Sharing of such items as ceramics across generations suggests adaptation to an increasingly impersonal urban social environment.  Overall, the Mechanic Street Site demonstrates that penetration of capitalist values into 19th-century America was uneven and that pre-capitalist values persisted longer in some areas than in others.  The site has been determined eligible for the National Register of Historic Places.

The town of Lonaconing is registered as an archaeological site (18AG215) because of deposits discovered along the town’s main street during municipal improvements in the 1990s.  Phase I excavations[742] revealed extensive intact deposits dating from the time of the 1881 fire that destroyed the town’s central business district.  After the fire the street was widened, and thus foundations and deposits were sealed under the new street and sidewalk when they were paved.  Because there are no extant maps of the town’s configuration before 1881, part of the site’s significance thus lies in its ability to yield information on the town’s spatial organization during the time when it was controlled by the George’s Creek Iron and Coal Company and not by local businessman (as was the case after the 1880s).

In some ways Lonaconing resembled contemporary Pennsylvania coal towns, but in other ways it was much different.  Lonaconing began as an iron town in the 1830s but had become a coal town by the 1880s.  Many of its working-class residents were German or British immigrants or African-Americans.  Many laborers lived in duplexes before 1881, but as the 19th century progressed and the George’s Creek Coal and Iron Company lost its control over the town many residents sought to own their own homes.  By the 1880s the town was dominated by businessman and bankers.

Phase III investigations[743] attempted to answer a number of questions.  Do the archaeological deposits provide evidence of the pre-1881 streetscape?  Are variations present in the evidence that suggest architectural styles related to the ethnicity of the town’s laborers?  Are there variations that suggest socioeconomic distinctions among residents?  Does the archaeological evidence confirm present residents’ contention that even the working classes in 19th-century Lonaconing valued a good table set, thus indicating a quest for respectability?  How do the assemblages from before the fire compare to contemporary assemblages from other company towns?  As a town with a history of labor organization, will the working-class deposits reveal expressions of working-class identity and solidarity?  And finally, do the assemblages from different properties reflect more or less uniformity than sites from non-company towns?

The archaeologists conducting the Phase III study took a landscape approach to their excavations, hoping to reconstruct the changing streetscape of Lonaconing.  The architectural evidence did not suggest ethnic differences, nor did food-butchering practices.  Deposits on a plot of land that was vacant before the 1881 fire but built upon shortly thereafter indicated persistent casual use by working-class residents, especially in the form of tobacco pipes.  In fact, all of the pipes found during excavations were of the short-stem variety, a type associated with the working classes.  No long-stem pipes, associated with the upper classes, were discovered.[744]

Text Box: Figure 41.  Excavations in the town of Lonaconing (18AG215), Allegany County. Source: O’Brien et al. 1998: Figure 3.( Courtesy of the Maryland State Highway Administration)


The ceramic evidence indicates that working-class residents of Lonaconing did indeed have a concern for “respectability.”  Plain whiteware and ironstone ceramics were the most common, following 19th-century trends in ceramic consumption.  Very little evidence of utilization of local redwares, present on other sites in the region, was uncovered.  Unfortunately, not all of the archaeologists’ original questions could be answered by the data.  For instance, no direct evidence of socioeconomic distinctions among residents was apparent, and the cultural heterogeneity known to have existed during the town’s early years was not evident in the archaeological record.[745]

Three sites have both industrial and labor components.  These are the Wolfe Mill (a property that includes the ruins of the miller’s house), site 18AG150; the Crescent Lawn site (18AG227), primarily a C&O Canal boatyard that also contains a possible domestic component; and the Cromwell Estate (18AG65), another former grist mill with an associated residence.  Only the Crescent Lawn site has been excavated.

The Crescent Lawn site in Cumberland, at the terminus of the C&O Canal, is actually a 6.5-acre archaeological district.  The primary focus of the site was a boat-building and repair yard and turning basin for the C&O Canal in the 19th century.  Many of the laborers were Anglo- and German American.  There is also a possible domestic component to the site dating from the 1850s to the 1890s.  The turning basin was filled in during the 1890s and a soap factory and associated dwelling were built over it.  The soap factory and dwelling were converted to workers’ housing by the Footer Dye Works in 1909.  Throughout the 20th century the properties continued to be inhabited by working-class people.  Other areas of the district hosted a foundry, a planing mill, a lumberyard and working-class housing.[746]

John Milner Associates conducted Phase I and II excavations within the district in 1999.  The research questions addressed were mostly of an elementary nature (the size of the site, its formation processes, etc.), since this was not a data recovery excavation.  However, a few questions about the area’s industrial development were considered.  For instance, the archaeologists were interested in determining whether the archaeological deposits associated with the German family that ran the soap factory would conform with or differ from contemporary middle-class and working-class sites.

For this report we are most concerned with the excavations of the Gerbig property.  Mateus Gerbig was a German immigrant who opened a soap factory in Crescent Lawn in 1895.  His dwelling was across the street from his factory.  Excavations in the rear yard of the house property revealed a refuse midden.  Behind the factory, much of the deposit consists of spent fuel from the soap-making process.  Over the Gerbig deposits was a layer of fill from the later laborers who inhabited the property.  Most of these deposits date from the 1930s and 1940s.

The archaeologists were able to confirm the middle-class identity of the Gerbigs from several pieces of evidence.  Bottles recovered from the refuse midden were produced in Germany and other parts of Eastern Europe, indicating a continued ethnic identity and the resources to procure such items.  No pipe remains were found, which suggests one of three things.  The Gerbigs could have been non-smokers, although the investigators considered that unlikely.  Alternately, they could have preferred cigarettes or they may have been able to afford better, more expensive pipes, which are broken and enter the archaeological record less often than cheaper pipes utilized by the working classes.  In either case, the evidence suggests that the Gerbigs did not share the working-class identity of many of their neighbors.  Finally, the ceramic assemblage has high incidences of ironstone and porcelain, which also suggest a middle-class identity.[747]

The boatyard, three canal boat wrecks and the Gerbig properties were determined to be eligible for the National Register of Historic Places.  However, several other components of the district were deemed ineligible, including the working-class housing and the later-20th-century deposits on the Gerbig property, also from industrial laborers.[748]  General reasons were given for the negative determination of eligibility, but no specific reasons were attached to specific components.  Thus, it is not clear whether the working-class deposits lacked archaeological integrity or whether the archaeologists simply felt that any potential information they might yield was insignificant.

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            Twenty-four different industrial and/or labor archaeological sites have been identified in Garrett County, once again mostly by the WMDCRAP.  Only one site, the Rafter Gristmill (18GA185), dates to the period of Rural Agrarian Intensification.  Eight sites date from the period of Agricultural-Industrial Transition, 14 sites from the period of Industrial/Urban Dominance, and five sites from the Modern period.  Eight sites are of unknown date.  Fifteen of the sites have only industrial components, five have only labor components, and four have both.

            The industrial sites include 11 saw and/or grist mill sites, a woolen mill, lime kilns, an iron furnace, and some cabins built by the Civilian Conservation Corps for vacationers in the 1930s.  Of these, only the iron Furnace has been tested. The Allegany Iron Company (18GA172) is the oldest documented iron-smelting business in Western Maryland.  The site consists mostly of industrial remains.  However, a house adjacent to the furnace remains may have been built on top of the ruins of the old company store, and the ironmaster’s house is still standing.  Doubtless other worker housing left archaeological deposits that are awaiting discovery.  The investigators suggested further testing for this site.  Located in the Savage River State Forest, site 18GA175 consists of about nine vacation cabins built by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930s.  This constitutes the site’s only relationship to labor, although it points to the possibility of finding an abandoned CCC camp nearby.  This site was also located by the WMDCRAP but not tested.[749]

            The labor sites in Garrett County include a church, a mill house, two schools, and a fraternal lodge.  Field #324 (18GA188), also known as the Chisholm site, was investigated by the WMDCRAP.  The site is associated with site 18GA187, the Chisholm Sawmill and Gristmill.  The Chisholms moved the home around the turn of the 20th century.  Intensive shovel testing revealed two artifact clusters on the original house site.  Artifacts recovered were primarily ceramics and nails.  Further work was suggested for this site.[750]  Field Site 2 (18GA306) was an artifact scatter on the location of an old church manse near Selbysport.  This site was investigated by Archaeological Services Consultants as part of the Youghiogheny River Project in the early 1990s.  Shovel testing revealed that the site lacked integrity.[751]  In any event, its relationship to industrial labor is not clear.  The Aaron Run School site (18GA178) is located near Westernport and the Templeman’s Mill site.  Aaron Run School was located by the WMDCRAP, but no testing was done.  Its potential significance is not known.  Site 18GA184, also known as Eagles Hall, was located in Kitzmiller.  Also discovered by the WMDCRAP but not investigated, this site was considered to have low potential significance.[752]  Field #44 (18GA156) is primarily a prehistoric site but may contain a schoolhouse component.  This site was surface-collected.

            The four sites in Garrett County that contain both industrial and labor components include a mill with an associated residence (18GA189), a mill with an associated store (18GA177), and two small industrial communities.  The first two have not been tested.  Jennings Mill Field #303 (18GA168) was once the site of a sawmill and lumbering community.  The village had a company store, company-built houses, a warehouse, and a hotel.  The hotel and some of the houses are still standing.  The site has only been surface-collected.  The Davis Sawmill (18GA173) gave rise to a town that included a lumbering operation, several houses and a company store.  The town was owned by one man.  This site was not tested, but was determined to have the potential to yield significant information.

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[634] Porter 1979:103.

[635] Frye 1984a:38.

[636] For excellent discussions of mill technology, see John McGrain’s volume on the grist mills of Baltimore County (1980) and David Macauley’s Mill (1983).  Susan Winter Frye provides an in-depth discussion of the geographic and economic factors of mill placement in the Antietam Drainage of Washington County in her master’s thesis (Frye 1984a).

[637] Frye 1984a:24-28.

[638] MIHP WA-I-169, WA-I-203, WA-II-134, and WA-IV-086.

[639] ASR 18WA193, MIHP WA-WIL-189.

[640] ASR 18WA21, 18WA27, 18WA28, 18WA288, MIHP WA-I-040, WA-II-031 through WA-II-033, and WA-II-436.  Michael Robbins (1973, 1986) has extensively documented the colonial iron industry in Maryland, while Michael Thompson (1976) focused on Washington County.  The topic of industrial slavery in the Chesapeake region and Western Maryland has been researched most thoroughly and thought-provokingly by Ronald Lewis (1978, 1979) and Jean Libby (1991, 1992). For other important studies focusing on industrial slavery in the South, see Dew 1994 and Starobin 1970.

[641] ASR 18WA145, 18WA331 through 18WA388.

[642] MIHP WA-II-031 through WA-II-033.

[643] MIHP WA-I-529.

[644] Frye 1984a:29-30.

[645] Reed 1988: 58-59.

[646] ASR 18WA50, 18WA193, MIHP WA-I-295, WA-II-386, and WA-V-172.

[647] ASR 18WA27, MIHP WA-II-031 through WA-II-033.

[648] i.e. MIHP WA-I-657, WA-II-352, WA-II-1002, and HAG-054.

[649] MIHP WA-I-481, WA-II-1112, WA-III-025, and WA-IV-259.

[650] Dilts 1993, Sanderlin 1946. A number of books have been devoted to the history of the construction of these two transportation routes. The history of the construction of the B&O Railroad has been researched by Herbert Harwood (1979) and James Dilts (1993).  The history of the C&O Canal is presented by Walter Sanderlin (1946) and Elizabeth Kytle (1983).

[651] Sanderlin 1946:113-160.

[652] MIHP AL-VI-B-094, AL-VI-D-300, AL-V-A-246, AL-V-A-281, AL-VI-B-167, AL-V-B-075, AL-V-A-270 through AL-V-A-272, AL-V-A-049, AL-V-A-287.

[653] See Hareven and Langenbach 1978, Wallace 1978, Lozier 1981, Hareven 1982, Prude 1983, and Garner 1992 for historical treatments of the “company town” in the 19th century.  For archaeological perspectives, see Lowe 1982, Gradwohl and Osborn 1984, Beaudry and Mrozowski 1987-1989, Bennet 1990, Mrozowski et al. 1996, Shackel 1996, and Metheny 2002 and 2003.

[654] MIHP AL-VI-B-269.

[655] MIHP AL-VI-B-280.

[656] MIHP AL-VI-B-281.

[657] MIHP AL-V-A-010, AL-V-A-249, AL-V-A-281, AL-VI-B-272, AL-VI-B-280, AL-VI-D-311, and AL-VII-A-043.

[658] MIHP AL-IV-A-132.

[659] MIHP AL-V-A-010, AL-VI-B-272, and AL-VII-A-043; see Harvey 1975 and 1977.

[660] MIHP AL-VI-B-004, AL-VII-A-043.

[661] MIHP AL-V-A-032, AL-V-A-036, AL-V-A-237, and AL-V-A-281.

[662] MIHP AL-V-A-287.

[663] MIHP AL-IV-A-085.

[664] Harvey 1969:134-164.

[665] Sanderlin 1946:159-160, Dilts 1993:358-359.

[666] Nass et al. 1992:22.

[667] i.e. ASR 18GA185.

[668] ASR 18GA78, 18GA185, 18GA189, 18GA306, MIHP G-I-E-195, G-IV-C-055, and G-V-B-092.

[669] ASR 18GA170.

[670] MIHP G-V-A-090.

[671] ASR 18GA173, MIHP G-I-E-195, Nass et al. 1992:22.

[672] Schlosnagle et al. 1978:92.

[673] MIHP G-IV-B-114, G-IV-B-171.

[674] ASR 18GA172, MIHP G-II-A-027 and G-II-A-208.

[675] MIHP G-I-E-195

[676] MIHP G-IV-A-070.

[677] Ware 1991:29-30.

[678] MIHP WA-I-481, WA-WIL-033, and WA-WIL-229.

[679] MIHP HAG-167.

[680] MIHP HAG-179.

[681] MIHP HAG-180, HAG-207, HAG-209 through HAG-213 and HAG-216.

[682] MIHP WA-I-248.

[683] MIHP WA-IV-014.

[684] i.e. MIHP WA-I-092, WA-III-022.

[685] MIHP WA-II-368.

[686] MIHP WA-V-099.

[687] ASR 18WA21.

[688] MIHP AL-V-A-246, AL-V-A-251, AL-V-A-285, AL-V-A-287, AL-VI-B-040, AL-VI-B-258, AL-VI-B-259, AL-VI-B-260, AL-VI-B-270, AL-VI-C-278, and AL-VI-D-309.

[689] Thomas J. Scharf quoted in Harvey 1969:75.

[690] MIHP AL-V-A-020, AL-V-A-254, AL-V-A-285, AL-VI-B-229, AL-VI-B-234, AL-VI-B-258, and AL-VI-B-261.

[691] MIHP AL-VI-B-270, AL-VI-B-281, and AL-VI-C-278.

[692] MIHP AL-V-A-281.

[693] MIHP AL-V-B-082.

[694] ASR 18AG122, MIHP AL-VI-B-087.

[695] MIHP AL-IV-A-085.

[696] MIHP AL-IV-A-146.

[697] ASR 18AG213.

[698] MIHP AL-VII-A-038, AL-VII-A-043.

[699] MIHP AL-V-B-105.

[700] MIHP AL-VI-D-306, AL-VI-D-310.

[701] Harvey 1969:165-184.

[702] Harvey 1969:197-198.

[703] Harvey 1969:228-252.

[704] MIHP G-IV-B-171, G-VI-A-040.

[705] MIHP G-IV-C-055.

[706] ASR 18GA186, MIHP G-IV-C-176

[707] MIHP G-I-E-195.

[708] MIHP G-V-A-090.

[709] MIHP G-V-B-092, G-V-B-093.

[710] MIHP G-IV-C-179.

[711] MIHP WA-IV-014.

[712] Frye 1984a:76.

[713] MIHP WA-I-248.

[714] ASR 18WA298.

[715] MIHP AL-IV-A-085, AL-IV-A-146.

[716] MIHP AL-VI-D-134.

[717] MIHP AL-VI-B-087.

[718] Ware 1993:29.

[719] Harvey 1969:366.

[720] MIHP AL-VI-D-309.

[721] Harvey 1969:370.

[722] Schlosnagle et al. 1978:342.

[723] MIHP G-IV-C-179.

[724] Schlosnagle et al. 1978:343.

[725] MIHP G-I-A-014 through G-I-A-021.

[726] Schlosnagle et al. 1978:343-344.

[727] Harvey 1969:370.

[728] Fifty-eight charcoal hearths in the vicinity of Maryland Heights are all recorded as separate archaeological sites, 18WA331 through 18WA388.  For the purposes of this discussion, these will all be considered as one site.

[729] Frye 1984a.

[730] Frye 1984b.

[731] Two major publications germane to this project resulted from the Coal Region Historic Sites Survey.  They are Green Glades and Sooty Gob Piles: The Maryland Coal Region’s Industrial and Architectural Past (Ware 1991) and An Archaeological Study of the Western Maryland Coal Region: The Historic Resources (Lacoste and Wall 1989).

[732] Ebright 1995.

[733] O’Brien et al. 1996.

[734] LaCoste and Wall 1989:53, 74.

[735] Thomas and Kugelman 1982.

[736] Lacoste and Wall 1989:24-32.

[737] Lacoste and Wall 1989:114-117.

[738] Lacoste and Wall 1989:51, 53-54, 69, 117-120.

[739] The following information on the Mechanic Street site is taken from two site reports, Yamin et al. (1993) and Cheek et al. (1994).

[740] Cheek et al. 1994.

[741] See South 1977 and 1988.

[742] O’Brien et al. 1998.

[743] Balicki et al. 1999.

[744] Balicki et al. 1999:98-103.

[745] Balicki et al. 1999:100-104.

[746] Balicki et al. 2000.

[747] Balicki et al. 2000:113-115.

[748] Balicki et al. 2000:127.

[749] Lacoste and Wall 1989:36.

[750] Lacoste and Wall 1989:66-67.

[751] Nass et al. 1992.

[752] Lacoste and Wall 1989:54-56, 76.